5/16/2023 0 Comments Ac unity heads will rollCrucially, the criticism was not directed against the Yugoslav national program in education as such, but revolved around the fundamentally different ontologies of the nationalizing state and religious thinkers. These celebrations, however, generated strong opposition from leaders of the religious communities in Yugoslavia. The celebration of St Sava’s Day in schools during the interwar period expressed the policy of the Yugoslav state authorities to reconcile religious diversity among its population with national unity by highlighting the parallel national character of Yugoslav Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam. In that sense, this study aims atanalyzing the events, commemorating ceremonies, myths and discourses about the interaction between Church and state, Church and Serbian identity with their political implications. However, evolution of nationalisation notion in what institutions through what incidents have been discussed within the framework of political history of The First Yugoslavia. Due to the fact that so-called interaction affected both modernisation and secularisation processes, it has been a requirement to examine Church-State, Church- Nation interactions pertaining to de facto status, past and rhetorics of Serbian Ortodox Churh. It analyzes the relationaship between the Serbian Ortodox Church, representative of Eastern Christianity, and Serbian nationalism.Focusing on religion or Serbian Ortodox Church, discourse and dimensions of interaction between modern nation and modern nationalism have been explained. This study elaborates the interaction between nationalism and religion in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia between two world wars. The analysis will be undertaken with reference to the recent and influential theories of fascism. Therefore, this paper will analyse, on the one hand, to what extent Stojadinović aligned Yugoslavia's conduct of foreign affairs with Rome's foreign policy and, on the other, to what degree the Yugoslav-Italian rapprochement was reflected in internal developments which might smack of fascism. Much of these accusations were centred on his foreign policy, especially his cordial relations with the fascist regime in Italy and, to a lesser extent, with Nazi Germany. This paper will explore whether there was substance to the often repeated accusations that Stojadinović was sliding towards fascism. Indeed, Prince Regent, Paul, dropped Stojadinović from the government in February 1939 because he came to believe that his premier was intent on becoming a fascist dictator. There were also increasing signs that the Stojadinović regime was acquiring some fascist trappings in line with the new course of foreign policy. Moreover, Ciano believed that Stojadinović was inclined towards authoritarian concept of power. Ciano and Stojadinović struck close personal relations which no doubt buttressed the solidity of their agreement. This rapprochement resulted from the changing international constellation: the resurgent Germany was expected to annex Austria and become a powerful neighbour to both countries. The Yugoslav prime minister (and foreign minister), Milan Stojadinović, and Italian foreign minister, Galeazzo Ciano, signed a friendship agreement on 25 March 1937, ushering in an atmosphere of confidence between the two formerly hostile countries. Scrutinizing their work and publicly aired views might provide more nuanced and distinctive insights into the complex reality of right-wing attitudes than those obtained from studying political parties and government agencies. In addition, there is also a selection of prominent intellectuals, eminent writers and clerics, whose outlook and activities informed, to a certain degree, the political climate of right-wing politics in Serbia/Yugoslavia. More specifically, it examines the ruling Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) under both its presidents, Milan Stojadinović and Dragiša Cvetković, Stojadinović's Serbian Radical Party (SRS), Dimitrije Ljotić's ZBOR and Svetislav Hodjera's Yugoslav People's Party (Borbaši), with special reference to the influential theories from fascism studies. This is a period that constitutes a distinctive era in Yugoslav history, which also coincides with the Europe-wide rise of right-wing extremism, a congruence that justifies the chosen time-frame. This edited volume embarks on an in-depth analysis of the main features of the political ideology and activities of the Serbian right wing from the assassination of King Alexander Karadjordjević in October 1934 to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's destruction in April 1941 during the Second World War.
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